AGNELO (2011)



I spent a lot of time involved in politics within the Communist Party of Brazil and, finally, around 2008 or 2009, I managed to obtain federal funding to boost my NGO. It became a governmental organization of public interest and the largest electoral platform in the region to organize the first National Football Championship of Indigenous Nations, from which they became champions. My connection with the elected positions of the party was visceral, and the bonds of reciprocity that, in that era of abundance, of Chinese growth, of the rise of raw materials, of "never before in the history of this country", united us to the bonanza of the federal government, were unbreakable. From humble origins, a funk fan from the favelas, I had become a social scientist requested by all types of ambitious politicians linked to the party, due to my previous advisory work. When one of them was promoted to the Ministry of Sports, I immediately convened a general assembly in my NGO to prepare the institutional redesign that, from night to morning, would convert us into a government engine capable of managing millions and millions of public money:

"The federal government's current policies represent a process of social renewal and self-affirmation at a global level (I said into the microphone, in the packed auditorium), which profoundly changes the way power is exercised in our country. The ambiguities of the experiment thus far are irrelevant, as we can see progress in the autonomy of social movements of the subaltern classes, precisely those that our institution has always dedicated itself to representing, guiding, and supporting. Based on this foundation, President Lula's left-wing government establishes a fruitful and productive relationship with the programmatic content and dynamics of our institutional work. Despite the crisis of representation that has frequently threatened to explode here and there since the beginning of the administration, a new dynamic has emerged between social movements and the government, to swell our ranks in the confrontation with neoliberalism. At first, there were suspicions of continuity, of a physiological repetition of the internal alternation between groups of the same dominant elite, but the PT government, of President Lula and, soon, we hope, of President Dilma, committed to an open and productive relationship with the new social and political compositions of the exploited classes. In Davos, we distinguished ourselves by forcing the institutions that control the Empire of the World Economy to abandon their old policing and fascist hypotheses of fiscal austerity and now ask how to reorganize political-economic dependence in the medium term in a sustainable manner. We propose the support of autonomous instruments of cooperation between the nations of the subcontinents; we project the overcoming of dependence and the structuring of interdependence between world economies and social, indigenous, and anti-racist movements. It is a new era of social liberation that begins in Latin America and Brazil, especially with a new democratic government, sensitive and thrifty towards all interdependence worldwide. It is the definitive end of the infamous colonial tradition that has afflicted us since the beginning of our history as a nation, of the inter-class paternalism of national elites, and, finally, the POLITICAL RECOGNITION of the TRANSFORMATIVE NEEDS of the DESIRES AND POWER OF THE SUBJUGATED PEOPLE. Of course, the fight against the arrogance of economic corporations that, in their claim to act as all-powerful political subjects, to be "authors of history," sees only the political arrogance of the State as the key to development. It is in the construction of a terrain of dynamic opposition that we work! We fight for the development of educational infrastructure and social communication, of civil society organized around urgent social demands, for social preconditions (health, wage, ecological, cultural) of economic growth, for a globally controlled and democratically directed financial integration! For an irrevocable ethical and political investment! THANK YOU!"

Comentários

  1. Of course, after that overwhelming wave of rapturous applause, I lingered vainly in that general conversation, noticing here and there many new faces paid for by us whose names I didn't even know. I looked silently before starting to speak again, studying the square, reviewing my powerful third-sector army. Near me, in fact, were only a handful of veterans remaining from the foundation, like K, for example, when we were nothing more than a UFJF extension project, scouring the most miserable corners of the Zona da Mata in a dilapidated van trying to fill public sessions of small city councils and residents' associations. Now, on the contrary, I only thought in terms of advertising, logos, sponsorships, travel, contracts, etc. "Go, old man!" I had just said to our general secretary: "Flight, hotel, meals, everything's on us... but bring the signed contract. After reviewing the terms, call me. Deal?"

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  2. On that occasion, the general mood at the end of my explanation reached a state of wonder, the fusion point between pride and uniformity of purpose that was as close to greed and megalomaniacal vertigo as one could reach, bringing together fragments of interns from communications, advertising, psychology, social work, social sciences, physical education, and... composing a single figure, in a corner of the room, that young old K. who, putting energy into his gestures, his attitude, always speaking at a higher level with me and, at times, disguising a naive, authoritarian timbre in his voice, had convinced me, in a separate conversation, accentuating the frowning of his brows with a smile, not to invest any resources in legal advice, since it was expensive and, being a founder, enjoying my complete trust, he was perfectly able to exemplarily meet all the legal demands of the institution alone (while completing his course) or, in extreme cases, seeking help (at a modest price) from a friend from law school.

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  3. It was in these pleasant terms, I believe, that that young man (K) convinced me to delegate to him that apparently harmless role of legal scribe for the NGO which, having proved efficient over time, did not take long to evolve into a daily nightmare of blackmail, threats, extortion and investigative terror that would end up leading us all to ruin and jail

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  4. Working like crazy—that was the beginning of that "adventure." Every lunch I had since that general meeting was a business meeting, contested here and there by the entire bustling local political scene, followed by the owners of local companies and some media figures, trying to understand what was going on. K himself was averse to these contacts and became a serious and withdrawn person when we dumped all that advertising material, which cost a fortune, on the president's desk. He always asked: "Don't you think it'd be better to sign the employment contracts of some of these interns, Agnelo? If in six months, twenty percent of them sue, claiming they work eight hours a day without any professional supervision in their respective fields, you won't be able to keep the NGO running. Those pay stubs we still use today will make any labor judge laugh during the hearing, and federal funds cannot be used for purposes not specified in the partnership agreement with the government." In fact, there was a huge number of girls working madly to satisfy my desire for public visibility: creating folders, banners, billboards, modernizing our website, scheduling events and interviews...

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  5. All of this was geared, in a way, toward the political-partisan machinery that intended to fill the city councils, the Minas Gerais Legislative Assembly, the Chamber of Deputies, and the Federal Senate with "communists" (like our institution, there were several scattered throughout Brazil, doing exactly the same thing, with the same type of public resources). The time was near to discuss the large remittances coming from Brasília, the colonization of hundreds of neighborhoods in this and many other cities through the installation of sports centers, sports equipment factories, cultural centers, inclusion programs, and prison labor, which would lock down our electoral latifundia until the great election rally in October. We even hoped for a visit from the President of the Republic, at the right time. I had learned to trust the Workers' Party's Stalinist machine of projecting easy victories, operating on underprivileged populations like a steamroller of promises of social mobility fueled by bread and circuses. Expenses, in fact, were life, parliamentary life, a mandate!

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