Count the present days until today arrives ( THE PRESIDENT OF UNITED STATES)
During the period of questioning, I did everything I could to prevent them from seeing my little cottage as part of a tremendous scheme.
"Eloquent," they said, "but about what (?)" no one knew.
with complementary lights, the emptiness of the world is rewarded with scrutinizing glances
The mirror sharpens, with denials that constantly expel witchcraft. A certain tourist fixation sinks into comfortable clarity.
And many artifices become hecatombs!
However, she was putting her method into practice, empowering my gestures with her public summaries of what I did and thought. At first, responding to all the grumbling from the old liberal guard, from the media, welcoming them, not always, of course, dissipating them for a few minutes, I was afraid, always afraid that the poem of the White House would go through the day feeling that its retina was testing the ultimatum of the mirror, every minute nervously fearing exhaustion of its own solo repercussion.
"Famous men who need their fame—let's say, all the politicians in the world—choose their allies and friends with ulterior motives; from their friend they want to steal a piece of the shine and reflection of their virtues, and from their ally they want the fear instilled by certain worrying characteristics that everyone recognizes in them. This, however, ennobles the fact that they are all on the lookout, hurriedly digging up things to simulate successive layers of public legitimacy before the television cameras. Now they need the fantasist, now the man of letters, now the Eurasian scholar, now the peacemaking esotericist, now the fatalistic pedant, now the Bible. The fame of politicians is always changing, because their changing environments demand these changes and push them now this, now that, real or invented characteristic forward and out, onto the stage; friends and allies are part of the scenography," she said.
every second seems to indicate
an obscure mutation of the Oracle
"Interconnected in a globalized space. Ultimately, its resolution requires negotiations between numerous actors, of very different sizes, cultures, and interests, and in the short term even more heterogeneous. Virtually no contemporary government system was designed to adequately respond to such demands. The decision-making and evaluation procedures in use today were proposed for a relatively stable world, in a "simple" ecology and semiotics of communication ---- which became impossible after the oceanification of information. The gap between the nature of the diluvian flow of information and the traditional modes of decision-making and guidance becomes, especially today, very evident." idem
則 zé: "Therefore, then, thus."
是 shì: "Yes, identical (copula); correct."
交 jiäo: "Relationship, negotiation; crossing."
通 töng: "To move freely without impediment;"
"What do we hope for? Your hope." What do we do? The day''
Against the well-behaved, corrupt ways of reading reality, the call to the sticky reading of this unceremonious light: that of the world's repeated occurrence, lacking in kneeling worshippers, rich in distracted oracles, who never tell the truth.
ResponderExcluirCooking reality within every fear, fed up with their own size; a rigorous posture of indecision betting on the fierce shiver of the argument.
I requested all kinds of notes from her, under those circumstances, and asked her not to put too much soul into her replies, to only present calm objections, as if they were the thoughts of a third party, while I thought of something better to say.
"What if everything starts over again from one moment to the next?" she asked me.
At night, the governmental dream seemed to be remade within her, full of aggravating honors, with the laughter of journalists behind her back, a surreptitious way of conveying pure criticism of the media. However, I had a vision for myself. Dreamed intensely by everyone, I now had the vaporous inconsistency of a nebula of gigantic dimensions, which advanced mercilessly over dissatisfied idealism, albeit with a certain beginner's rectitude, my fists of shelved proposals, my silences of unanswered trust, the balance of the world's commercial usury making the conversation tense and muscular.
ResponderExcluirI now asked myself what was useful to glorify the new struggles, so as not to have to parody the old ones or exaggerate the mission outlined in fantasy and retreat before its fulfillment in reality, I wanted to find again the little of the spirit of the personal revolution that I had once represented and not limit myself to making its specter wander again through my army of faithful imitators.
ResponderExcluirMy new sense of social and political organization challenges current generations to rethink the roots of the democratic experience, and if my enthusiasm regarding the general deterioration of the conditions in which the transformation of economic relations on the international level has been taking place in recent times is still contained by the apocalyptic fears of the cowards who want to remove me from power, there is nothing more frightening I could do than calmly ignore them, subsuming them in a kind of mud that thrives on the margins of everything I make happen consciously and unconsciously.
ResponderExcluirAnd perhaps that's why I'm intrigued by this reader's letter, which mentions a man called Giddens at the end:
ResponderExcluirIt is neither a period of imperial construction nor the growth of competing ideologies (...). Our generation does not face the risk of global war in the service of flag, territory, or ideology. Trade grows exponentially every year. Living standards, despite the scars of horrendous poverty in less developed countries, are nevertheless rising worldwide. Life expectancy is rising globally, infant mortality is declining, and women are freeing themselves from domestic work. The open global economy is a precious achievement, offering opportunity, creativity, and wealth (Giddens)
This way of assessing the effects of the ongoing process of economic globalization and the contradictions that define world society today takes on the dimension of mockery when this same reader proposes to examine the left's role in world politics, attributing to it a characteristic that is typical of the left in general: its inability to face the world in which it lives and adapt to it, as well as the consequent disbelief in the possibility of any change in "orthodox democratic politics." He defines this characteristic of the left as the "Groucho Marx tendency," referring to the American clown who became famous for his phrases dominated by ambiguity and nonsense.
ResponderExcluirThere is a certain temporal correspondence between the dissemination of the concept of global capitalism and the debate on the need for a third path in national political articulations. From the 1980s onward, the idea that the process of globalization had created a new frontier, affecting not only representative democracy, the concept of sovereignty, and national identity, became a kind of commonplace in political thought. This process had considerably narrowed the room for macroeconomic maneuver, reducing the difference between left and right to the way revenues and expenditures are manipulated to achieve macro-results. The question of what kinds of results to seek was sidelined.
ResponderExcluirThe Democrats' reaction to Clinton in the 1990s had also been based on the presentation of a new idea of how to govern the global economy from the United States. A different lie than mine, but perhaps very well exploited, by the way. It emerged on the international scene as an ideal partner for the public choice paradigm, hegemonic in governing development strategies for at least the last twenty years. The British version of the third way defined itself with the government of Tony Blair and "New Labour," with Anthony Giddens as one of its main organic intellectuals, if not the main one, at least at the beginning. The program was not entirely new, in British terms. The birthplace of Labourism in Great Britain, the Fabian Society, the oldest socialist movement in the region. At the turn of the 19th century to the 20th century, the arguments supporting a "middle way" style solution had important British defenders, such as Graham Wallas, Leonard Hobhouse and J.A. Hobson, not forgetting the fascists, in the 1920s, and Harold Macmillan, in the 1930s, advocating a capitalism with a humanized face.
ResponderExcluirIn the manifesto launched by Antony Blair and Gerhard Schröder in June 1999 in London, the program's objectives presented as main elements a new conception of sovereignty, having modernity and pragmatism as vectors, establishing the end of equality as a permanent objective, and of the State as a central element of social justice, promotion of consensus as a privileged mechanism of politics, the search for innovation and individual initiative as instruments of personal and collective progress.
ResponderExcluirOne of the most salient aspects of the theoretical perspective that assumes the market as a central element of social development is the construction of a theory of power, the roots of which stem from participation in this market. It is as if the "new economic environment" required a "new sociological environment," and within this, as we will see, the fundamental factor will be knowledge.
ResponderExcluirThe State as an instrument for shaping the social order itself, to what extent am I able to sustain this "IDEA IN ACTION" without appearing completely insane?
ResponderExcluirRight, ever since I've identified a tendency among my closest supporters to constantly redefine their positions on large-scale, long-term transformation processes, when I was counting on just one position at the beginning and perhaps a slightly modified one at the end. Indeed, it's not always possible to fire everyone.
ResponderExcluirIt's difficult to clearly establish the functions of the State or government, since the use of these concepts alternates and becomes confused, preventing the identification of distinct instances of power, or even actions related to the activity of governing. Thus, for example, when addressing the problem of the renewal of civil society, the concept of government appears confused with the idea of governing or promoting the development and renewal of the "community," perhaps by "force," as is my favorite --- which completely nullifies the possibility of Giddens's "State without enemies" and leads us directly to Schmitt's theory of the State in the 21st century.
ResponderExcluir