Count the present days until today arrives (THE PRESIDENT OF UNITED STATES)

 

The abrupt tone of someone speaking to strangers on the subway. Well, that's the outline!

(Line by line, promising later influence)

Rejection and condemnation in droves.

Soon, blood is seen gushing from pieces of quivering flesh scattered on the powder-scorched floor. Long, military-grade metal nails running over a hideous geographic wound, along with some problematic patch of adjacent skin, whose prohibitiveness could end up transforming the tank's cabin into a bloody cubicle—an overly gathered bodice, you know? When, for example, a fat woman discovers internal bleeding, then puts the strap of her dress back in place, momentarily disguising her discomfort, and begins vomiting blood onto her ladies-in-waiting. That's it: the strap finally slips, and she falls dead to the floor, like a whale.

One constantly looks at the dashboard in a waiting mood: ashes of some failed combination of bad luck, ill will, and talent for dissimulation, assuming therefore that the mutual trust of GRINGOlou and everyone is simultaneously working on something lethal and undeclared, while a meditative panic, contiguous to the financial market, instantly disposes of the relative benefits in commodity prices, carrying out in fifteen minutes the spontaneous combustion of all the measures of self-perception of the week.

Naturally, I didn't want to hear bad things said about me in that environment. I psychoanalyzed the new normal: the thing tingling inside. The wait for that little sign of a moderate summary, a foam of good intentions, was, in fact, making me increasingly hostile. I felt trapped by a discourse under construction that took from my voice the impassioned outburst, the difficult tone it once easily acquired, and helped me make deals to buy time. Admitting anything had become (indeed) difficult for me. Every minute the overall scene distorted itself with nods and shudders. Impossible to describe, disappearing behind touch, like an interest. So many questions, with new facets, new summaries that, melting the lingering reality, drained all the super-being of politics; all the hard everyday life peeled away from the doubts that, beforehand, played in my favor: in favor of that everyday everything that made the cycle of every egg placed on the negotiating table sweat.

Wanting only a gentle, self-reflective savor, to polish with palpable impressions all this illusory taste of reconstruction that evaporates from the carrion, gathering from the past government only pure boredom, an identical directive boredom, stagnant, stagnant, growing only through friendly tincture, in a brutal withering of hypotheses for change, a false mimesis for a few months of waiting in uncritical formaldehyde.

HE DOESN'T LOVE ME - HE DOESN'T LOVE ME.

A world of transition, the ground of the unknown century, where the maturation of things is not easily conceived. To the dialectical convenience of desires, I propose a tight hold on a strong platform of waiting acroos a slow qnd large perception of a favorable moment for the resumption of an interventionist hegemonism shaped by the tradition of the Monroe Doctrine, in which the perspective of coexistence with the plurality of forms of government tends to be replaced by a commitment to eliminating the opposing camp. An expression of the voluntarism of a narcissistic businessman and with an anti-establishment discourse driven less by conviction than by opportunism, ends up imposing ourself as a catalyst of the false Russian Order of Friendship: an adjustment of measures that, in addition to being ambiguous in its effective scope, is of controversial applicability, since the dynamics achieved from the beginning of the Monroe Doctrine, introduced in 1823 in the context of concern over Spain's intentions to reverse the Latin American independence process with the support of the Holy Alliance, sets limits on the intervention of European powers in the continent. Although it was never formally abandoned until Kerry's speech, its explicit invocation did not last until 1904, when Theodore Roosevelt formulated its fifth corollary (Ayerbe, 2002). However, it ended up being associated with the role of hemispheric guardian that the United States attributes to itself, justifying interventionism throughout history based on three main arguments: i) the existence of expansionist ambitions in the region on the part of extracontinental powers; ii) the defense of the so-called "American way of life," which claims to express the highest degree of advancement known to civilization; and iii) the fragility of Latin American nations in defending their own interests without the help of their great neighbor to the north.

Arms Control and International Security! With Venezuela on the ropes, the Castros' revolutionary legitimacy disappearing, and with U.S. pressure mounting, how long the regime survives is an open question (...) While tensions are unlikely to return to Cold War levels, when the Soviet crisis over Cuba came close to provoking nuclear war, Russian meddling in Latin America could inspire Trump to reaffirm the Monroe Doctrine. As justification for intervention in the region: i) the perception of threat from extra-regional powers, in this case Russia, to which China would later be added; ii) the defense of the American way of life, exemplified by the promotion of changes of government in Venezuela and Cuba using the current model of democracy in the country as a reference; and iii) the supposed defenseless situation in which the peoples of those countries would find themselves when exercising their citizenship without the support of the United States. The change in policy vis-à-vis the previous administration with regard to governments located in the adversary camp takes on a more explicit profile ---“troika of tyranny”, “triangle of terror (...) causing immense human suffering, driving enormous regional instability, and creating a sordid cradle of communism in the Western Hemisphere”.