Count the present days until today arrives (THE PRESIDENT OF UNITED STATES)

 


And when everything begins to be based on the sense of danger," I added, "they begin to run into us with their warships in every corner of the world. Their accomplices once again meet in secret and participate in the plundering project, acting as officials linked to the deceitful luxury that only the idea of ​​imprisonment and the risk of imminent death limits. The Chinese expansionist project becomes the Communist Party's limiting project whenever its room for maneuver is squeezed here or there by some harsher government. The ritual celebration of war begins to forcefully operate in the imagination of the entire country, through a sinister government propaganda machine, and soon the entire population is laughing disdainfully at our friendly relations and believing they read in the actions of our governments a genocidal will against them and their families. As if that weren't enough, Chinese secret service agents infiltrated in the top management of our companies now carry automatic pistols and vials of poison in their executive briefcases, and suddenly disappear and reappear where before the ice couldn't be easily broken, if you know what I mean.

With that appearance sufficiently terrifying to represent a ritual role of undeclared war, which will later be decorated before a distressed audience. And you know that, each day, nervous fatigue decomposes our spies at night. And that some of ours have even been taken prisoner on Chinese ships and tortured with beatings for stealing classified documents and state secrets.

And of course, they happily rub their shiny hands together, leaning against the wall, and begin to lecture eruditely about China's age-old reputation for honesty in its relations with the rest of the world and the wonderful confirmation they just received, through CNN, that it was all nothing more than Republican propaganda trying to open a black hole in the world economy into which to dump our unused atomic bombs.

Now, it was exactly this type of magazine hero that we should be addressing, a poisonous fruit of globalization, the details of the story no longer mattered to me: it is with propaganda, radars, satellites and control panels that we combat this --- for exemple, If there was one place in Central America that received some coverage from the American media before the Sandinista revolution, it was Guatemala. In 1944, a revolution overthrew a hateful tyrant, resulting in the establishment of a democratic government largely inspired by Roosevelt's New Deal. The ten-year democratic interlude that followed saw the beginnings of successful independent economic development. This caused a veritable hysteria in Washington. Eisenhower and Dulles warned that "the self-defense and self-preservation of the United States were at stake unless the virus was exterminated." American intelligence reports at the time were quite frank about the danger posed by "capitalist democracy" in Guatemala. A 1952 CIA memo described the situation in Guatemala as "adverse to the interests of the United States" due to "communist influence... based on the advocacy of social reforms and nationalist policies." The memo warned that Guatemala had recently increased its support for communist and anti-American activities in other Central American countries. A prime example cited was an alleged $300,000 donation to José Figueres. As mentioned previously, José Figueres was the founder of democracy in Costa Rica and the foremost democratic leader in Central America. Although he also contributed enthusiastically to the CIA and called the United States "the standard-bearer of our cause," and was considered by the US ambassador to Costa Rica as "the best propaganda agency the United Fruit Company could find in Latin America," Figueres had an independent style and was therefore not as trustworthy as Somoza or other thugs in Washington's service. In US political rhetoric, this arguably made him a "communist" at the time. So, if Guatemala had given money to help him win the elections, this showed that Guatemala "supported the communists." Worse, the same CIA memo continued, the democratic capitalist government's "radical and nationalist policies," including the "pursuit of foreign economic interests, especially those of the United Fruit Company," had won "the support of the majority of Guatemalans." The government was achieving the "mobilization of the hitherto inert peasants" while simultaneously undermining the power of the "large landowners." Furthermore, the 1944 revolution had awakened (still with the CIA) "a strong national movement to liberate Guatemala from the military dictatorship, from the 'social backwardness' and 'economic colonialism' that had been the norms of the past and had "inspired loyalty and conformed to the interests of the majority of politically conscious Guatemalans." Things became even worse after a successful agrarian reform began to threaten the "stability" of neighboring nations, where the suffering population could not help but notice such measures. The situation became dire. The CIA staged a successful coup. Guatemala became the butcher shop of Central America, with regular US intervention whenever things threatened to get out of hand. By the late 1970s, atrocities were once again reaching absurd levels, sparking protests around the world. Yet, contrary to what many believe, military aid to Guatemala remained virtually unchanged under Mr. Carter's "human rights" administration. American allies also turned to the cause—notably Israel, a key Washington strategist—in part because of its success in promoting state terrorism. Under Reagan, support for the genocide in Guatemala became absolutely fanatical. The most radical of the Guatemalan Hitlers ever supported by the United States, Rios Montt, was publicly hailed by Ronald Reagan (laughter) as a "dedicated apostle of democracy." In the early 1980s, Washington's friends slaughtered tens of thousands of Guatemalans, mostly highland Indians, in addition to countless other cases of torture and violence. Large swathes, entire regions of Guatemala, were systematically decimated in this way. In 1988, a recently opened Guatemalan newspaper called La Época was blown up by government-linked terrorists, whose operations were becoming increasingly sophisticated. At the time, the American media was deeply concerned that a US-funded newspaper in Nicaragua, La Prensa—which openly advocated the overthrow of the government and supported the US-led terrorist army—had been forced to stop publishing some issues due to a lack of newsprint. This outraged some NYC newspapers. The "effeminate" Washington Post was now shouting across America, in its often-frantic voice, against "SANDINISTA TOTALITARISM." On the other hand, the destruction of La Época aroused no interest or was even reported in the United States, although the fact was well known to American journalists. Naturally, the American mass media did not expect to report that US-funded security forces had silenced the only independent voice in Guatemala, which had tried to rise up just weeks earlier. A year later, a La Época journalist, Julio Godoy, who had fled after the newspaper's explosion, returned to Guatemala for a brief visit. When he returned to the United States, he compared the situation in Central America to Eastern Europe. For him, Eastern Europeans were "luckier than Central Americans," Godoy wrote because:"While in Prague the government imposed by Moscow would degrade and humiliate the reformists, the Guatemalan government, created by Washington, would assassinate them." This continued for a long time, in a virtual genocide that had already claimed more than 150,000 victims, what Amnesty International calls "a government program of political assassination."


Comentários

  1. In Latin America, the "adapted" version of neoliberal or "liberal-conservative" ideas (as they were called at the time) came in the form of a series of "conditionalities" indispensable for the renegotiation of its external debts and its return to the international financial system. And despite the intellectual and social revolution that forced the process of redemocratization in Latin America, this region of North American hegemonic space also found itself perfectly framed by the new ideas and subject to the new rules and forms of collective administration of economic policies. Between 1985 and 1991, the coordinated attempt to regain hegemony was reinforced by global economic growth driven by the American economy. Europe, too, encouraged by the Delors Project and the devaluation of its currencies against the dollar, was able to return to growth for five successive years under these circumstances and even celebrate the fall of communist regimes in Central Europe and the fall of the Berlin Wall. A new world political and economic order was initiated, hegemonized by the United States.

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  2. It was precisely at this time that the Tokyo Stock Exchange crashes, the Gulf War, the end of the Soviet Union, the beginning of a prolonged recession in Europe and Japan, and the loss of momentum in Latin American "emerging markets" arrived. These phenomena paralleled the continued asymmetrical economic growth of the United States and some Asian countries, particularly China. The global situation completely unraveled, and America once again focused on redesigning its global power strategy. It was precisely during the festive return of his troops that President Bush announced to Congress the "beginning of a new American century." The first to understand the IMPERIAL MESSAGE sent to the world by the United States from the Persian Gulf were the Russian military and bureaucrats. After Baghdad, the Soviet regime collapsed without honor or glory, and the world silently left behind the bipolarity of the Cold War. With the end of the USSR, neoliberalism and the market economy advanced in Eastern Europe. With the agreements signed in Maastricht in 1992, financial capital finally became global and the dollar reaffirmed its global financial supremacy in new ways.

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  3. As a result of these speculative crises, crises occurred more and more frequently during the 1990s, reaching Mexico in 1994 and Thailand in 1997. However, this strange flexible dollar system resisted and managed to weather the storm. In the Mexican case, it was the United States that disbursed most of the resources, equivalent to a Marshall Plan, while in the Thai case, it was Japan who, together with the IMF and eleven other countries, coordinated the financial aid necessary to try to prevent the "GLOBALIZATION OF CONTAGION." It is not wrong to say that American foreign policy was oriented in an almost singular and obsessive direction: "the pursuit of foreign markets." This trade strategy. now radically free-trade, it imposed itself against all national resistance, in the agreements that gave rise to the new World Trade Organization (WTO) equipped with extremely strict rules and instruments that prohibit various types of protectionism, subsidies or quota policies capable of supporting national production development strategies.

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  4. This was precisely the same guideline that guided Mexico's inclusion in NAFTA and which sought to establish the FTAA in partnership with North American transnationals. The growth of the North American trade surplus with Latin America at that time was significant. Ironically, the WTO then served as the main American instrument for imposing its interests, especially on its Asian trading partners, configuring a global strategy of occupying foreign markets with North American companies and products—exactly what China will seek in the WTO in the coming years, it seems.

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  5. Post script

    From global hegemony to the privilege of "segniorage"

    Far be it from me to pay for ideological "dismantling" material just to address the process of financial globalization that took the United States from global hegemony to the mere privilege of "segniorage." This means that, within elastic limits, the market accepts the dominance of the American currency while maintaining a high deficit and external debt position. "Vagrant capital" relies on a broad and deep market in America, where it imagines it can rest from adventures in exotic markets. The existence of a respectable volume of low-risk, highly liquid government bonds allows the reversal of speculative episodes involving stocks, real estate, and foreign assets to be cushioned by a compensatory movement in the price of American government bonds. Such bonds are seen as a safe haven in times when global investor confidence is shaken. This means that the strengthening of the universal reserve of value function, performed by the dollar, arises from the characteristics of its financial market and the crucial role of the American State as lender and debtor of last resort.

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  6. And that is why long-term interest rate fluctuations, which reflect the price variations of US Treasury bonds, are the most reliable indicator of the mood of globalized markets. Their movements reflect the anticipations of capital managers regarding the evolution of the value of their portfolios, who use Treasury bond price variations as a basis for forecasting the likely evolution of the prices and liquidity of different assets, in different currencies. Enormous aversion to long-term commitments... plus the enormous sensitivity to imagined increases in inflation. The "ethos" of rentierism! The function of automatic market brakes is to contain the growth of the real economy before it becomes "inconvenient" for the holders of financial wealth.

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  7. The longer a project matures, the lower its chances of financing; acquisitions, mergers, and acquisitions are far more preferable than the creation of new capacity; financial surpluses exceed the capital expenditures of companies used to reacquire their own shares. The logic of asset appreciation is taking over the entire economy, imposing its criteria as the only acceptable criteria in any decision regarding the ownership of wealth

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